BUCHAREST 2008 – A NATO SUMMIT IN THE BLACK SEA REGION

Article Index
BUCHAREST 2008 – A NATO SUMMIT IN THE BLACK SEA REGION
2 WESTERN BALKANS AND THE EASTERN EUROPE
3 THE EASTERN DIMENSION AND THE WIDER BLACK SEA
4 PARTNERSHIP – HERE AND BEYOND
5 ROMANIA’S VISION FOR THE FUTURE
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Adrian Cioroianu MAEThe biggest Summit in the history of the Alliance is hosted by Romania, only four years after my country joined NATO. The high-level event will gather in Bucharest not only the members of the Alliance, but also its partners from the traditional Euro-Atlantic area and beyond. The Bucharest Summit will include, besides the “regular” sessions of the 26 members, several meetings in other formats such as the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, the NATO-Ukraine Commission, the NATO-Russia Council and a special session dedicated to Afghanistan.
Why Bucharest? The decision was not a random one. It is my personal belief that the decision was also based on our reputation among the Alliance’s members as a result of our long-term commitments to NATO’s objectives and missions. And a high level meeting of allies and partners in Romania carries with itself a symbolic value which should not be overseen. Through Romania, NATO is now a direct neighbor with the Western Balkans, Ukraine, and the Republic of Moldova. The Black Sea also offers a direct connection between NATO and Russia and the Southern Caucasus.
Hosting a Summit, especially one of this importance and size, is not an easy task. As host nation, our aim is to have a successful summit from the logistical perspective, which represents a Romanian prerogative. As part of the NATO family, Romania wants a successful Summit in what the decisions and results are concerned. And this aspect is a shared responsibility of all members of the Alliance. The Bucharest Summit has already ensured its place in the history of the Alliance as the biggest high-level event. But the value and the success to be associated with the Bucharest Summit, in the years to come, depends entirely on the consensual decisions to be adopted by the Heads of State and Government on the important issues on the agenda.
The Bucharest Summit has a great potential to be a continuum between the Riga Summit and the anniversary one in 2009. It will be an excellent opportunity to mark significant progress in implementing a wide range of ambitious projects and initiatives launched in areas of interest, not only to the Alliance, but also to our partners: the enlargement policy, energy and cyber security, the Alliance’s partnerships, the role of NATO in Afghanistan and Kosovo, the cooperation with other international organizations, military capabilities.


WESTERN BALKANS AND THE EASTERN EUROPE

It is not too bold to state that some of the most important decisions to be taken at the Summit will evolve around the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe. We will be proud to open in Bucharest a new door to NATO. We are now at a turning point for the Western Balkans. Time has come for Albania, Croatia and Macedonia to join Romania, Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey in NATO’s South-Eastern quadrant. Time has also come to put into practice the new sense of neighborliness and the new understanding of common chances and challenges. This is why the Allies need to take a consensual decision based on the individual accomplishments of each candidate, as well as on the changing regional context. We strongly believe that there is a need for a comprehensive new round of enlargement with all three candidates. We hope that their performances and the internal political evolutions will be convincing and decisive, so that the Alliance is able to extend an official invitation, in Bucharest, to join NATO.
Enlargement only is not enough to strengthen our ties and contribute to enhancing security, supporting reforms and finding answers to the new threats that challenge us and our partners. We also look for the first meeting of the new Partnership for Peace members Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia with the Euro-Atlantic Partnership leaders and we stand by them in their pursuit of an enhanced and upgraded relationship with NATO.
Speaking out of our knowledge of the region, we have to be honest and admit that the Western Balkans issue is a complex one. Irrespective of the reasons for the violence in the past, time has come for the countries in the region to look into the future. Carrying anger towards the past can only lead to the lack of concentration on the present opportunities for a better future.
It is clear that the countries in the Western Balkans cannot have a viable future other than in NATO and the EU. I think now is the right time to contradict the words of Winston Churchill that “the Balkans have the tendency to produce more history than they are able to spend”, through supporting the Balkan countries on their irreversible European and Euro-Atlantic track.
The discussions on NATO’s contribution to promoting security and stability in the region, especially its presence in Kosovo, are of key importance for both Allies and partners. Romania is decided to be an active part in the common efforts based on the Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council. However, NATO’s measures and policies in Kosovo must not be interpreted as the recognition of the independence of the province declared unilaterally by Pristina. As direct neighbor and a NATO and EU member, Romania is aware of Serbia’s pivotal role in consolidating the regional stability. We need to find solutions to avoid any type of isolation. It is of paramount importance to avoid creating new dividing lines in the region.
We will also welcome Georgia and Ukraine in Bucharest. Both countries are seeking to enter the Membership Action Plan. There is no doubt about the public support shown by the Georgians in the referendum held earlier this year. Georgia has made great progress in its reforms and democratic process. Inviting Georgia to MAP in Bucharest would send a strong message to all Georgians that their future lies in a secure environment, where values and democracy are protected.
Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration goals need both its people’s and NATO’s support. Given the political and public will, the necessary reforms and progress in democratization, there should be no obstacle in inviting Ukraine to the Membership Action Plan.
In Bucharest, we will also look forward for the NATO-Russia Council, which will be a great opportunity to continue our dialogue at the onset of the second decade of the NATO-Russia partnership. This is a complex one, and in spite any difficulties which are bound to arise in any working dialogue between partners, this partnership remains a strategic element of the Euro-Atlantic security. We are interested in working closely with Russia in stabilizing Afghanistan, in safeguarding the arms control regimes in Europe, in finding answers to common challenges and in protecting common values.
It is of key importance for NATO to further develop its cooperation with the Republic of Moldova, Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as with its partners in Central Asia, in support of the regional and Euro-Atlantic security.


THE EASTERN DIMENSION AND THE WIDER BLACK SEA

If we take a closer look at these priorities on NATO’s agenda, the importance played by the Eastern dimension and the Black Sea Region takes a concrete shape. I strongly believe that the Black Sea Region is part of the same process of promoting democracy and stability within Europe and beyond its borders. This is a region where governments and nations are striving for security, modernization and better lives, at the same time having to cope with frozen conflicts and trans-border crime.
The Black Sea is connecting, and not dividing, Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East. It is a hub for trade, energy and transportation. Democratic transformation is already alive in the area and reforms are being made. However the challenges still remain and assistance from partner states and organizations is still needed. NATO is needed. So are the European Union and other organizations which have developed programs aimed at supporting reforms, economic development and contributing to the resolving of outstanding security issues.
Although, when referring to NATO’s policies in this part of the world, the Wider Black Sea doesn’t seem to come up as a generic term for a region which shares common values, goals and challenges. This is a region where NATO meets Russia, Ukraine and all its other partners from Southern Caucasus and Central Asia. It is the place where common efforts can and should be used to tackle the new challenges to our security and stability. I strongly believe, and I think there are many proofs in this respect, that the security and stability of this region is extremely important for the security and stability of the entire Euro-Atlantic area. The security of the Black Sea Region is part of the Euro-Atlantic security. We need to cooperate with our neighbors, both Allies and partners to transform this region into a stable and democratic component of the Euro-Atlantic family.
Therefore, anchoring the Western Balkans and the Wider Black Sea region in the Alliance’s policies is of great importance for NATO and for the countries in these regions as well.


PARTNERSHIP – HERE AND BEYOND

NATO’s partnership policies represent an essential element in NATO’s role in this young century. We need to encourage a balanced development between the traditional partnerships in our priority areas, such as the Euro-Atlantic region, North Africa, Middle East, and those with other interested partners in remote areas. It is in our best interest to encourage dialogue and cooperation with those countries that share our values and are willing to contribute to pursuing common objectives. We believe that NATO should strengthen its partnerships network beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, with global partners, engaging in dialogue, opening new channels of cooperation, and enhancing the interoperability of our forces with those of interested countries that share our values and concerns. A case in point is Afghanistan where the 26 NATO Allies are joined by 11 other countries – from our partnership programs with Albania, Finland and Sweden, to countries like Australia, Japan and New Zealand, to name just a few. This is why we highly appreciate the ISAF high level meeting in Bucharest.


ROMANIA’S VISION FOR THE FUTURE

Alongside other international organizations, NATO has an important role to play in enhancing security and supporting reforms in various areas in the candidate and partner-countries from regions such as Western Balkans, Eastern Europe or the Wider Black Sea. NATO has had a positive balance sheet contributing to the security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area. Starting with the end of the Cold War, the Alliance has been in a permanent process of transformation, in order to efficiently adapt itself to the new security framework.
NATO’s comprehensive process of transformation is multifaceted and involves not only capacity building but also developing a wider network of partnerships with like-minded states, to tackle what I would call “threats without frontiers”, such as terrorism or proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and also another category of challenges which includes regional conflicts and failing states.
However, NATO is not only to face new threats and risks. The indivisibility of Trans-Atlantic security, collective defense and solidarity remain fundamental NATO tasks. As Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer put it, NATO must be capable to continue to meet the challenge of change. In essence, for the future, we envisage a NATO that must have a clear vision for the Balkans, must ensure its ability to address the risks and threats to our security, and must strengthen its partnerships in its traditional area and beyond.

Adrian Cioroianu, historian, is presently Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania
 

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer

Declaratia "ferma" facuta de aliati cu privire la faptul ca Ucraina si Georgia vor deveni membre NATO este foarte clara si nu lasa loc de indoiala, a declarat, vineri, secretarul general al NATO, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, precizand ca documentul marcheaza inceputul unui proces.